butterfly

Butterflies – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects — it is estimated that 90 percent of the world’s species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity.

Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour’s walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed.

A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly “personal communication” citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase.

In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

 

蝴蝶是被广泛研究的昆虫之一,据估计,世界上90%的物种都有科学名称。因此,它们可能是研究陆地生物多样性和分布模式的最佳昆虫群。蝴蝶在公众中也有良好的形象。因此,他们是一个优秀的群体,可以交流有关科学和多样性等保护问题的信息。

也许在过去的一个世纪里,蝴蝶多样性最受关注的方面是热带和温带地区物种丰富度的显著差异。例如,1875年,一位生物学家指出亚马逊地区蝴蝶的多样性,他提到大约700种蝴蝶在一个小时的步行路程内被发现,而在英国群岛上发现的蝴蝶总数不超过66种,整个欧洲只支持321种。这种热带和温带蝴蝶丰富度的早期比较已经得到了很好的证实。

多样性的一般理论不仅要预测温带和热带之间的这种差异,而且要预测每个区域内的模式,以及这些模式如何在不同的动植物群之间变化。然而,对于蝴蝶来说,温带或热带地区物种丰富度的变化,而不是人类在它们之间的变化,是知之甚少的。事实上,对亚马逊盆地、热带亚洲和非洲物种数量的比较仍然主要是“个人交流”的引用,甚至对脊椎动物也是如此。换句话说,与温带和热带地区的比较不同,这些模式仍处于编制文件的阶段。

在记录蝴蝶多样性的地理变异时,会做出一些武断的、实际的决定。多样性、物种数量和物种丰富度是同义词;对蝴蝶分布的均匀性知之甚少。新大陆蝴蝶是最常见的物种,因此在这些例子中占了绝大多数。希望通过对它们的研究,可以最大限度地减少由于分类不完善和不完整而产生的错误。

 

field

Crops production – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

During the second half of the nineteenth century, the production of food and feed crops in the United States rose at an extraordinarily rapid rate. Corn production increased by four and a half times, hay by five times, oats and wheat by seven times. The most crucial factor behind this phenomenal upsurge in productivity was the widespread adoption of labor-saving machinery by northern farmers. By 1850 horse-drawn reaping machines that cut grain were being introduced into the major grain-growing regions of the country. Horse-powered threshing machines to separate the seeds from the plants were already in general use. However, it was the onset of the Civil War in 1861 that provided the great stimulus for the mechanization of northern agriculture. With much of the labor force inducted into the army and with grain prices on the rise, northern farmers rushed to avail themselves of the new labor-saving equipment. In 1860 there were approximately 80,000 reapers in the country; five years later there were 350,000. After the close of the war in 1865, machinery became ever more important in northern agriculture, and improved equipment was continually introduced. By 1880 a self-binding reaper had been perfected that not only cut the grain, but also gathered the stalks and bound them with twine. Threshing machines were also being improved and enlarged, and after 1870 they were increasingly powered by steam engines rather than by horses. Since steam-powered threshing machines were costly items — running from $ 1,000 to $4,000 — they were usually owned by custom thresher owners who then worked their way from farm to farm during the harvest season. “Combines” were also coming into use on the great wheat ranches in California and the Pacific Northwest. These ponderous machines — sometimes pulled by as many as 40 horses — reaped the grain, threshed it, and bagged it, all in one simultaneous operation. The adoption of labor-saving machinery had a profound effect upon the sale of agricultural operations in the northern states — allowing farmers to increase vastly their crop acreage. By the end of century, a farmer employing the new machinery could plant and harvest two and half times as much corn as a farmer had using hand methods 50 years before.

在19世纪下半叶,美国的粮食和饲料作物的产量以惊人的速度增长。玉米产量增加了4.5倍,干草增加了5倍,燕麦和小麦增加了7倍。造成这种惊人的生产力激增的最关键因素是北方农民普遍采用节省劳力的机器。到1850年,用于收割谷物的马拉收获机被引进到全国主要的谷物种植区。用马驱动的脱粒机将种子从植物中分离出来,这种机器已经广泛使用。然而,1861年内战的爆发为北方农业机械化提供了巨大的刺激。随着大量劳动力进入军队,粮食价格上涨,北方农民纷纷利用这种节省劳动力的新设备。1860年,全国大约有8万名收割者;五年后,这个数字达到35万。1865年战争结束后,机器在北方农业中变得越来越重要,不断改进的设备被引进。1880年,人们发明了一种自动收割机,不仅可以收割谷物,还可以收集秸秆,用细绳捆扎。脱粒机也得到了改进和扩大,1870年后,脱粒机越来越多地由蒸汽机而不是马来驱动。由于蒸汽脱粒机价格昂贵——从1000美元到4000美元不等——它们通常由定制脱粒机的所有者拥有,然后他们在收获季节从一个农场到另一个农场工作。“联合收割机”也开始在加利福尼亚和太平洋西北部的大农场上使用。这些笨重的机器——有时多达40匹马拉着——收割谷物,打谷,装袋,所有这些都是同时进行的。节省劳力的机器的采用对北方各州农业经营的销售产生了深远的影响,使农民能够大大增加他们的作物面积。到本世纪末,使用这种新机器的农民种植和收获的玉米是50年前使用手工方法的农民的2.5倍。

AEAS阅读配图

The Art Nouveau style – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

AEAS阅读配图 - alphonse-mucha-redhead-among-flowers-art-nouveau-artwork

 

The end of the nineteenth century and the early years of the twentieth century were marked by the development of an international Art Nouveau style, characterized by sinuous lines, floral and vegetable motifs, and soft evanescent coloration. The Art Nouveau style was an eclectic one, bringing together elements of Japanese art, motifs of ancient cultures, and natural forms. The glass objects of this style were elegant in outline, although often deliberately distorted, with pale or iridescent surfaces. A favored device of the style was to imitate the iridescent surface seen on ancient glass that had been buried. Much of the Art Nouveau glass produced during the years of its greatest popularity had been generically termed “art glass.” Art glass was intended for decorative purposes and relied for its effect upon carefully chosen color combinations and innovative techniques.

France produced a number of outstanding exponents of the Art Nouveau style; among the most celebrated was Emile Galle (1846-1904). In the United States, Louis Comfort Tiffany (1843-1933) was the most noted exponent of this style, producing a great variety of glass forms and surfaces, which were widely copied in their time and are highly prized today. Tiffany was a brilliant designer, successfully combining ancient Egyptian, Japanese, and Persian motifs.

The Art Nouveau style was a major force in the decorative arts from 1895 until 1915, although its influence continued throughout the mid-1920’s. It was eventually to be overtaken by a new school of thought known as Functionalism that had been present since the turn of the century. At first restricted to a small avant-garde group of architects and designers, Functionalism emerged as the dominant influence upon designers after the First World War. The basic tenet of the movement — that function should determine form — was not a new concept. Soon a distinct aesthetic code evolved: form should be simple, surfaces plain, and any ornament should be based on geometric relationships. This new design concept, coupled with the sharp postwar reactions to the styles and conventions of the preceding decades, created an entirely new public taste which caused Art Nouveau types of glass to fall out of favor. The new taste demanded dramatic effects of contrast, stark outline and complex textural surfaces.

 

19世纪末和20世纪初是国际新艺术风格发展的标志,其特点是曲折的线条,花卉和蔬菜图案,以及柔和而易逝的色彩。新艺术风格兼收并蓄,融合了日本艺术的元素、古代文化的主题和自然形式。这种风格的玻璃对象在轮廓上是优雅的,虽然经常故意扭曲,与苍白或彩虹表面。这种风格的一个受欢迎的装置是模仿被埋在地下的古代玻璃上的彩虹色表面。在其最受欢迎的那些年里生产的新艺术玻璃大多被笼统地称为“艺术玻璃”。艺术玻璃用于装饰目的,其效果依赖于精心选择的颜色组合和创新的技术。

法国产生了一批杰出的新艺术风格的倡导者;其中最著名的是埃米尔·加勒(Emile Galle, 1846-1904)。在美国,路易斯·康福特·蒂芙尼(Louis Comfort Tiffany, 1843-1933)是这种风格最著名的代表人物,他生产了各种各样的玻璃形式和表面,这些在当时被广泛复制,如今受到高度重视。蒂芙尼是一位杰出的设计师,成功地结合了古埃及、日本和波斯的图案。

从1895年到1915年,新艺术风格是装饰艺术的主要力量,尽管它的影响持续到整个20世纪20年代中期。它最终被一种称为功能主义的新学派所取代,这种学派自世纪之交以来就一直存在。功能主义最初局限于一小群前卫的建筑师和设计师,在第一次世界大战后成为对设计师的主要影响。运动的基本原则——功能决定形式——并不是一个新概念。很快,一种独特的美学准则形成了:形式应该是简单的,表面应该是简单的,任何装饰都应该基于几何关系。这种新的设计理念,加上战后对过去几十年的风格和惯例的强烈反应,创造了一种全新的公众品味,导致新艺术风格的玻璃失宠。新口味要求强烈的对比效果,鲜明的轮廓和复杂的纹理表面。

AEAS成功案例:ADAM

一个月拿到AEAS76分(10-12年级)!
来澳一年, 这个9年级生是如何掌握人生的?

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“勤奋的孩子却不能得到支持”的桥段对我们来说也并不陌生,但往往出现在励志故事中,有着添油加醋的成分。

 

然而,我们身边确确实实的出现了这样一个优秀的少年 – 背井离乡、孤单一人、却完全凭借自己的决断和努力,坚持了自己的道路、掌握了自己的人生。

一. 孤立无援

 Andrew来自一个离异家庭,一年前和父亲一起移民墨尔本。因工作缘故,Andrew的父亲经常回国,因此Andrew大部分在澳洲的时间都要和他的继母和其儿子单独相处。
继母的冷漠、陌生的环境和远在中国的家人及朋友都让Andrew感觉倍感压抑。一直成绩优秀朋友众多的他第一次感觉到了格格不入的滋味。澳洲生活对他来说,并没留下什么好印象。

而这些并不是真正的问题 – 经过一段时间,Andrew意识到了他学校十分糟糕:教学质量和教师水平都差强人意,而身边同学的素质更是让Andrew倍感担忧 – 在一次被越南同学询问是否要毒品后,他觉得这个学校待不下去了。

Andrew决定转学到口碑更好的私立学校。他把在学校里所遭遇的各种事情告诉了家人,并提出要转学的想法。继母对他的遭遇不以为然,并极力反对转学的事情 – 而她自己的儿子却恰恰是私立学校毕业的。

而Andrew的父亲则说如果Andrew能成功通过AEAS考试,就愿意支持Andrew去读。但由于之前请的外教辅导收获甚少,Andrew的父亲不愿意支持他去任何补习机构备考AEAS。

二. 背水一战

 

 

Andrew当然不愿就此放弃,他背着家人,自己在网上找到了我们,并开始了为期一个月的偷偷补习。

“偷偷跑出去补习” – 很有趣的一个概念不是吗?对于我们来说,一个9年级的学生应该只会背着家长出去玩。当然,从难度上来说,这并不比偷偷出去玩来的容易。

没有家人经济支持,Andrew必须要用自己积蓄的零用钱支付课时费。每天一放学,Andrew就赶公交来到补习社,这样才能顺利把当天的课程在5点15前结束,并在天黑前赶回家。对他来说仓促是难以避免的妥协 – 回家略晚,家人就会发现他在外面偷偷补习的事情。

大概没有什么词比“不满足”更适合描述Andrew的学习状态了。相比许多对讲课被动接受的学生,Andrew在上课过程总是主动寻求着各种答案。他乐此不疲的做了一套一套的模拟题,从未偷工减料过。

而这样的模式,一下就持续了整整一个月 – 风雨无阻,从未间断。他的投入和执着渲染了维思教育的每个人,无论是老师还是教务,每个人都由衷的希望他能在考试中脱颖而出。

Andrew在学习上积极的反馈让我们充分的理解到了他的学习习惯和薄弱环节。我们也根据这些特点做出了许多不同的调整。时间有限,对于许多他暴露出的问题我们无法全部克服,对此我们(尤其是何老师)心中也有些忐忑。但总体来说,他总算在考前到达了一个让人有信心的状态。

就这样,一个月的密集学习终于结束,Andrew带着大家的期待和何老师深深的担忧奔赴考场 -在AEAS10-12年级的考试中,取得了76分的罕见高分。这个成绩,墨尔本任意一所私立学校都可以任他挑选了。

aeas学生andrew聊天记录
维思教育学员Andrew AEAS 76分 成绩单

 

我们见过太多学生,在制定了雄伟的学习计划后无法执行。他们总能为了自己的懒惰找到许多理由,累忙饿困晕,最后完美的计划束之高阁,落满尘埃,自己则停留在原点。

相比于他们,Andrew确实有理由可以退缩 – 没有学费、时间紧张、奔波疲累、精神压抑。但他从没想要放弃 – 没什么是不可以克服的。

我们往往以为优秀的人是上天眷顾的幸运儿。当我们爬行的时候,他们坐着乘风破浪,轻松地俯瞰着我们。其实,他们经历同样是一步步的攀爬,区别只是他们从不停歇。

Andrew的成功并没有那么多传奇色彩、没有雄伟的计划、也没有动听的口号。有的只是日复一日的坚持。这份AEAS的成绩单,并非来自积攒的人品或是天赋异禀,而是不屈不挠的内心,和矢志不渝的努力。

奖学金/精英公校学员案例: William – Melbourne High

Melbourne High School,挤破头才能入学的老牌精英男校,几乎每年高考成绩位列全维州第一名,NAPLAN成绩要在全国前5%才有报考资格,随后从大概报考的1500名考生中,选出308名男生进入九年级学习。

 

而William同学,在经过一个季度的密集的读写强化训练之后,终于绽放了他的才能,顺利考入了MBH!

William经过维思教育奖学金计划 考上Melbourne high 聊天记录
William经过维思教育奖学金计划 考上Melbourne high 聊天记录

建校于1905年,致力于培养和发掘澳大利亚最优秀的思考者和领导者,选拔性入学使得Melbourne High School多年来在澳大利亚顶尖中学中名列前茅。

恭喜William! 

mineral particles – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

The mineral particles found in soil range in size from microscopic clay particles to large boulders. The most abundant particles — sand, silt, and clay — are the focus of examination in studies of soil texture. Texture is the term used to describe the composite sizes of particles in a soil sample, typically several representative handfuls. To measure soil texture, the sand, silt, and clay particles are sorted out by size and weight. The weights of each size are then expressed as a percentage of the sample weight. In the field, soil texture can be estimated by extracting a handful of soil and squeezing the damp soil into three basic shapes; (1) cast, a lump formed by squeezing a sample in a clenched fist; (2) thread, a pencil shape formed by rolling soil between the palms; and (3) ribbon, a flatfish shape formed by squeezing a small sample between the thumb and index finger. The behavioral characteristics of the soil when molded into each of these shapes, if they can be formed at all, provide the basis for a general textural classification. The behavior of the soil in the hand test is determined by the amount of clay in the sample. Clay particles are highly cohesive, and when dampened, behave as a plastic. Therefore the higher the clay content in a sample, the more refined and durable the shapes into which it can be molded. Another method of determining soil texture involves the use of devices called sediment sieves, screens built with a specified mesh size. When the soil is filtered through a group of sieves, each with a different mesh size, the particles become grouped in corresponding size categories. Each category can be weighed to make a textural determination. Although sieves work well for silt, sand, and larger particles, they are not appropriate for clay particles. Clay is far too small to sieve accurately; therefore, in soils with a high proportion of clay, the fine particles are measured on the basis of their settling velocity when suspended in water. Since clays settle so slowly, they are easily segregated from sand and silt. The water can be drawn off and evaporated, leaving a residue of clay, which can be weighed.

 

在土壤中发现的矿物颗粒大小不等,从微小的粘土颗粒到大石块。最丰富的颗粒—沙子、泥沙和粘土—是土壤结构研究的重点。纹理是用来描述土壤样品中颗粒的复合大小的术语,通常是几个有代表性的颗粒。

为了测量土壤质地,将沙子、泥沙和粘土颗粒按大小和重量进行分类。然后,每种大小的权重都表示为样本权重的百分比。在田间,提取少量土壤,将湿土挤压成三种基本形状,即可估算出土壤质地;(1)铸型,握紧拳头挤压样品而形成的肿块;(2)线,一种铅笔形状,由滚动的土壤在掌心之间形成;(3)缎带,一种比目鱼形状,由拇指和食指挤压一小块样本形成。当土壤被塑造成每一种形状时,如果它们可以被塑造,那么它们的行为特征就为一般的纹理分类提供了基础。手测土壤的行为是由样品中粘土的量决定的。粘土颗粒粘性很强,受潮时表现为塑料。因此,样品中的粘土含量越高,其成型的形状就越精致和耐用。

另一种确定土壤质地的方法涉及到使用一种叫做沉淀物筛的设备,这种筛是用指定的网格大小建造的。当土壤通过一组筛子过滤时,每个筛子都有不同的筛孔尺寸,这些颗粒就会按相应的尺寸分类。每个类别都可以通过称重来确定纹理。虽然滤网能很好地过滤泥沙、沙子和较大的颗粒,但不适用于粘土颗粒。粘土太小,无法准确筛出;因此,在粘土含量较高的土壤中,细颗粒悬浮在水中时的沉降速度是测量其沉降速度的基础。由于粘土沉降很慢,所以很容易与泥沙分离。水可以被抽走并蒸发,剩下的粘土残渣可以称重。

Shoemaker-Levy 9 – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

In July of 1994, an astounding series of events took place. The world anxiously watched as, every few hours, a hurtling chunk of comet plunged into the atmosphere of Jupiter. All of the twenty-odd fragments, collectively called comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 after its discoverers, were once part of the same object, now dismembered and strung out along the same orbit. This cometary train, glistening like a string of pearls, had been first glimpsed only a few months before its fateful impact with Jupiter, and rather quickly scientists had predicted that the fragments were on a collision course with the giant planet. The impact caused an explosion clearly visible from Earth, a bright flaming fire that quickly expanded as each icy mass incinerated itself. When each fragment slammed at 60 kilometers per second into the dense atmosphere, its immense kinetic energy was transformed into heat, producing a superheated fireball that was ejected back through the tunnel the fragment had made a few seconds earlier. The residues from these explosions left huge black marks on the face of Jupiter, some of which have stretched out to form dark ribbons.

Although this impact event was of considerable scientific import, it especially piqued public curiosity and interest. Photographs of each collision made the evening television newscast and were posted on the Internet. This was possibly the most open scientific endeavor in history. The face of the largest planet in the solar system was changed before our very eyes. And for the very first time, most of humanity came to fully appreciate the fact that we ourselves live on a similar target, a world subject to catastrophe by random assaults from celestial bodies. That realization was a surprise to many, but it should not have been. One of the great truths revealed by the last few decades of planetary exploration is that collisions between bodies of all sizes are relatively commonplace, at least in geologic terms, and were even more frequent in the early solar system.

 

1994年7月发生了一系列令人震惊的事件。全世界都在焦急地注视着,每隔几个小时就有一颗彗星飞入木星的大气层。所有这20多块碎片,统称为苏梅克-列维9号彗星(以其发现者的名字命名),都曾是同一物体的一部分,现在被肢解并沿着同一轨道排列。这列彗星列车像一串珍珠一样闪闪发光,在它与木星发生致命撞击的几个月前才第一次被看到,科学家们很快就预测这些碎片将与木星发生碰撞。撞击造成了从地球上可以清楚看到的爆炸,明亮的火焰随着每一块冰原的燃烧而迅速膨胀。当每个碎片以每秒60公里的速度撞击到稠密的大气层时,其巨大的动能转化为热能,产生一个过热的火球,火球被弹回到碎片几秒钟前形成的隧道中。这些爆炸的残留物在木星表面留下了巨大的黑色痕迹,其中一些已经伸展成黑色的带状。

虽然这次撞击事件具有重大的科学意义,但它尤其激起了公众的好奇心和兴趣。每次碰撞的照片都在晚间电视新闻中播出,并被发布在互联网上。这可能是历史上最开放的科学尝试。太阳系中最大的行星在我们眼前发生了巨大的变化。大多数人类第一次充分认识到,我们自己也生活在一个类似的目标上,一个受到来自天体随机袭击的灾难的世界。这一认识令许多人感到意外,但本不应如此。过去几十年的行星探索揭示了一个伟大的事实,那就是各种大小的天体之间的碰撞相对来说是很常见的,至少从地质学的角度来看是这样,在太阳系早期甚至更为频繁。

Clinical nutrition – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods.

The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called “the vitamin period.” Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them.

In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950’s to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

 

临床营养学的历史,或研究之间的关系健康与身体如何接受和利用食品物质,可分为四个不同的时期:第一次开始于19世纪,延续到二十世纪初的时候首次承认,食品中成分,是人类必不可少的功能,不同的食物提供不同数量的这些基本代理。在这个时代即将结束的时候,研究表明,快速减肥与氮平衡有关,只有提供与某些食物相关的足够的膳食蛋白质才能纠正。

第二个时期开始于20世纪初的几十年,可能被称为“维生素时期”。维生素开始在食物中被发现,缺乏症也被描述出来。随着维生素被认为是健康所必需的基本食物成分,人们开始倾向于认为,以前没有有效治疗的每种疾病和状况都可能对维生素治疗有反应。那时,医学院开始对将营养概念融入基础科学课程更感兴趣。这种教育的重点主要是认识到维生素缺乏的症状。这就是从无知到否认营养疗法在医学上的价值的开始。有人轻率地声称维生素的功效远远超出了使用维生素的实际效果。

在1950年代初到1960年代中期营养史上的第三个时期,维生素疗法开始声名狼藉。与此同时,医学院的营养教育也变得不那么受欢迎。就在10年前,许多制药公司发现他们的维生素销售直线上升,并迅速向执业医生提供了大量的维生素样本,以及颂扬各种健康相关疾病补充维生素好处的文献。对维生素在疾病控制方面成功的期望被夸大了。回顾过去,维生素和矿物质疗法在治疗健康危机时的效果远不如在治疗导致慢性健康问题的长期营养不良问题时的效果。

Aurora – AEAS精读 (Y10-12)

The spectacular aurora light displays that appear in Earth’s atmosphere around the north and south magnetic poles were once mysterious phenomena. Now, scientists have data from satellites and ground-based observations from which we know that the aurora brilliance is an immense electrical discharge similar to that occurring in a neon sign. To understand the cause of auroras, first picture the Earth enclosed by its magnetosphere, a huge region created by the Earth’s magnetic field. Outside the magnetosphere, blasting toward the earth is the solar wind, a swiftly moving plasma of ionized gases with its own magnetic filed. Charged particles in this solar wind speed earthward along the solar wind’s magnetic lines of force with a spiraling motion. The Earth’s magnetosphere is a barrier to the solar winds, and forces the charged particles of the solar wind to flow around the magnetosphere itself. But in the polar regions, the magnetic lines of force of the Earth and of the solar wind bunch together. Here many of the solar wind’s charged particles break through the magnetosphere and enter Earth’s magnetic field. They then spiral back and forth between the Earth’s magnetic poles very rapidly. In the polar regions, electrons from the solar wind ionize and excite the atoms and molecules of the upper atmosphere, causing them to emit aurora radiations of visible light. The colors of an aurora depend on the atoms emitting them. The dominant greenish white light comes from low energy excitation of oxygen atoms. During huge magnetic storms oxygen atoms also undergo high energy excitation and emit crimson light. Excited nitrogen atoms contribute bands of color varying from blue to violet. Viewed from outer space, auroras can be seen as dimly glowing belts wrapped around each of the Earth’s magnetic poles. Each aurora hangs like a curtain of light stretching over the polar regions and into the higher latitudes. When the solar flares that result in magnetic storms and aurora activity are very intense, aurora displays may extend as far as the southern regions of the United States. Studies of auroras have given physicists new information about the behavior of plasmas, which has helped to explain the nature of outer space and is being applied in attempts to harness energy from the fusion of atoms.

 

地球大气中围绕南北磁极出现的极光奇观曾经是一种神秘的现象。现在,科学家们从卫星和地面观测中获得数据,从中我们知道极光的光辉是一种巨大的放电现象,类似于霓虹灯中的放电现象。

要了解极光的成因,首先要了解地球被磁层包围的情况,磁层是由地球磁场形成的一个巨大区域。在磁层之外,向地球爆炸的是太阳风,这是一种带有磁场的快速移动的电离气体等离子体。太阳风中的带电粒子沿着太阳风的磁力线以螺旋运动向地球加速。地球的磁层是太阳风的屏障,迫使太阳风的带电粒子绕着磁层流动。但是在极地地区,地球和太阳风的磁力线聚在一起。在这里,太阳风的许多带电粒子冲破磁层进入地球磁场。然后它们在地球磁极之间快速地来回旋转。在极地地区,太阳风中的电子电离并激发上层大气中的原子和分子,使它们发射出可见光的极光辐射。

极光的颜色取决于发出极光的原子。主要的绿色白光来自于氧原子的低能量激发。在巨大的磁暴中,氧原子也会受到高能激发并发出红光。受激发的氮原子形成从蓝色到紫色不等的色带。从外太空看,极光可以被看作是环绕在地球磁极周围的黯淡发光带。每一次极光都像一幅光幕一样悬挂在两极地区,延伸到高纬度地区。当导致磁暴和极光活动的太阳耀斑非常强烈时,极光显示可能会延伸到美国南部地区。

对极光的研究为物理学家提供了有关等离子体行为的新信息,这有助于解释外层空间的性质,并正被应用于试图利用原子聚变产生的能量。

AEAS精读:Social Media Privacy – A Contradiction in Terms?

This article is by Naomi Troni, global CMO of Euro RSCG Worldwide.

Never in the course of human interaction have so many shared so much about themselves with so many others – and with so little apparent concern for their privacy. Was it really just a generation ago that people kept all but their most basic information under virtual lock and key? Today, we happily share our date and place of birth, name of our first pet, mother’s maiden name, favourite movie or book, favourite colour, first school teacher – and myriad other snippets of information required by online services as part of their security procedures.

The basic premise behind this information-sharing is nothing new. Consumers have long handed over a little personal information in exchange for services such as banking and finance, utilities and healthcare. The big difference now is that the information is digitized and accessible online – and we’re handing it out to virtually anyone who asks, regardless of how briefly the business has been in existence. Of even greater concern to many is the amount and variety of information being gathered about us without our explicit permission. Whereas retailers and others used to tweeze out information gleaned through loyalty cards, prize draws and catalogue mailing lists, now these old standbys have been massively augmented by customers researching and purchasing online, leaving in their wake a digital trail of cookie crumbs detailing their needs, tastes and desires.

And then there’s social media. If this isn’t the Holy Grail* for marketers, it’s difficult to imagine what would be. In this thoroughly 21st century communications channel, old notions of privacy simply do not apply; sharing personal information, experiences and opinions is the whole point of the service. And, wonder of wonders, consumers don’t only provide it willingly – they provide it for free’ Sure, some people take the precaution of limiting access to their Facebook or Google+ pages, but even these people typically are eager to share their thoughts via comment sections on news sites, reviews on retail sites and in branded clubs and forums.

With all the time we spend online and all the forums we frequent, it’s no wonder most of us have grown accustomed to doling out little snippets of personal information with barely a second thought. It helps that we rarely are asked to hand over a whole stack of personal information in one massive data transfer; that would be too much trouble and might provoke too much anxiety. Rather, we routinely hand it out a bit at a time.

Anybody over the age of 30 likely will remember that in the early days of mainstream Internet, 10 to 15 years ago, consumers were wary about handing over private information. A 2001 UCLA report, for instance, found high levels of consumer concern over online privacy in general and credit card security in particular.

Since then hundreds of millions of people have come online and become regular users of commerce sites and social media. Early concerns about online privacy have been sidelined by the desire for more speed, more convenience, more choice and more great deals. Familiarity has bred complacency and even foolhardiness; we’ve all heard about people uploading pretty much everything, including the most intimate words and images.

Now, after a decade of consumers feeling increasingly free-and-easy with their personal information online, we are seeing signs of a new wariness setting in. In a Euro RSCG global survey conducted among 7,213 adults in 19 countries, we found that 55% of respondents are worried that ‘technology is robbing us of our privacy’; the figure was above 60% in a number of countries, including the United States and China. Similarly, 61 % overall agreed ‘People share too much about their personal thoughts and experiences online; we need to go back to being more private.’

And it’s not just snooping companies and hackers that consumers fear. Nearly half the sample (47%) – and a majority of millennials* – worry that friends or family will share inappropriate personal information about them online. Around one-third overall already regret posting personal information about themselves.

* Holy Grail – a desired ambition or goal (in Christian tradition, the cup used by Jesus at the Last Supper with his followers)
* Millennials – people born between 1982 and 2000